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Romper buddies

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Taking off from a delightful ad for Romperjacks on Facebook back in November and December:

Here I give you the ad photo, and inventory some of the things it inspires me to write about in future postings (several being themes from earlier postings on this blog).

— These are two good-looking guys: so, male beauty, in both face and body, but especially face.

— They are in fact two fine-looking light-skinned black men. (Here my non-U.S. friends ask, “How on earth can you tell they’re black?” — indeed, my man Jacques’s Mediterranean-French skin color was about the warm light brown of these guys’ skin.) Then: for complex sociocultural reasons, light-skinned black men make good models for selling clothes to American men (as here).

— They are smiling wonderfully, projecting niceness: so, smiles of pleasure and amiability.

— They are in a couple: so, male affiliation.

— They are bonding with each other through the arm-over-shoulder gesture, what I’ll call the buddy-arm — used especially by buddies (AmE) / mates (BrE), brothers, and fathers with their sons. Also used by male lovers, so capable of being misunderstood.

— They are wearing one-piece garments in a category that includes things known as jumpsuits, rompers, and overalls.

— Such clothing falls into apparel categories with commercial labels that include casualwear / casual wear, leisurewear / leisure weargymwear athletic wear, sportswear, and work clothes. Meanwhile, the Romperjacks claim that their clothing is “stylish for every occasion” is entertaining, but not even remotely credible.

— These types of men’s clothing have complex associations with social class and social context.

— Romperjacks clothing is genuinely beautiful menswear, and also characterizable as funwear. So: the role of clothing in constructing and projecting various masculinities, forms or styles of masculinity, and individual personas as well.

— Comparing Romperjacks (with stylishness and beauty as explicit selling points) with two of its competitors illustrates some of this complexity: Swoveralls (sweat pants + overalls) have comfort as the main selling point. Zesties, on the other hand, are for fun, and are marketed to regular guys, guy guys, bros, and dudes (using labels that pick out a variety of masculinities and personas).

I can’t now imagine how I thought I was going to get all of this into a single posting. Especially since I was also going to try to locate all these guys (with most of their bodies covered up by clothing, but check out those lean muscular Romperjack legs) within a larger world that includes the near-naked or fully naked men in my huge body of postings on underwear ads and gay porn films — with their buttocks, packages, and bare muscular torsos, at which we gay guys swoon (apologies to Sonnet 73).

In fact, I considered musing on beauty, in particular male beauty, as a vector of pleasure, yes, but also as a vector of power, even danger, inspiring not just attraction but obsessive desire. Altering “Beautiful Girls” from Stephen Sondheim’s Follies just a bit:

Here’s the home of
Beautiful guys,
Where your
Reason is undone.

(If you let me muse on a topic long enough — and this one has been simmering since last fall — I will eventually carry you by free association to strange and distant lands.)


Orienting your speech (balloon)

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Today’s Wayno / Piraro Bizarro strip, with a detective in a pickle:


(#1) Since the readers of the strip are taking the point of view of the detective, we are in the same pickle (If you’re puzzled by the odd symbols in the cartoon — Dan Piraro says there are 3 in this strip — see this Page.)

How did this happen? Well, first, in this strip, speech balloons are treated as physical objects (containing a representation of speech) that people carry around with them and display to others. So when RH (the hood on the right) is talking to LH (the hood on the left), facing him, with his back to D (the detective), his speech balloon is also facing LH, with its back side to D, so that it can’t be read (by D, or by us).

But wait. This assumes that we are viewing things as if we were in a theater, fixed in our seats while the story unfolds in front of us on stage; what we can see (and hear) depends on how the actors orient themselves. Suppose instead that we’re watching (and listening to) a film; then the cameras (and microphones) go wherever the director wants them to, providing a constantly shifting visual (and auditory) focus on the unfolding narrative.

If the cartoon view is filmic rather than theatrical, then the speech balloons could show us whatever the cartoonist wants us to see — and that can be done even if speech balloons are treated as physical objects (rather than as meta-information). Yes, there are examples.

I know, nobody expects the filmic exposition. (And no, I won’t stop working this Pythonic gag.)

Several of the comics / cartoons that I follow are given to meta-play with the art form: Bizarro, Zippy the Pinhead, and Pearls Before Swine, especially. From postings on this blog on balloon meta-play (from the inventory of my balloon postings):

— in my 10/8/13 posting “Speech balloons in Dingburg”, with this Zippy strip on speech balloons as manufactured objects:


(#2) The line between speech balloons and thought balloons is unclear here, but it seems that whatever is in those balloons is available for everyone (including those of us in the audience) to inspect

— from my 3/30/19 posting “How to use your balloon”, about a Bizarro cartoon:

(#3)

it treats one of the conventions of cartooning, the speech balloon, as a concrete object. Moreover, one that can be referred to in the cartoon itself. And, finally, self-referentially, inside itself. (It’s like saying, in falsetto, “Say it in falsetto, like this”.)

Now note that the speaker’s balloon isn’t oriented towards the addressee (as in #1), but towards us, the audience — in a filmic view.

— from my 8/2/19 posting “Never go out without a speech balloon”, with a Zippy strip:

(#4)

If we see this as Zippy racing down the street shouting his message out, we’d expect his balloons to be oriented facing front. But instead we see the contents of the balloons alongside him, which I understand as just the filmic view.

It’s possible that Zippy is behaving, not like a man wearing a sandwich board, displaying his message on his front (and back), but like a moving sign spinner, displaying his messages to everyone around him. Since we get only the side view in three panels of comic strip, I’m going with the filmic view interpretation.

In any case, putting aside strips in which speech balloons are treated as physical objects, the filmic view is the absolutely standard one in the comics. Part of what makes #1 so funny is that it takes the theatrical view. Normally, you see the speech balloons for speakers, no matter how they’re facing in the drawing. As in this Bizarro:

(#5)

The compounds of commerce and the comics

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A little study in N + N compounds in English, their great utility and versatility (they pack a lot of content into two-word expressions), and their consequent massive potential ambiguity (so that divining the intended meaning can require vast amounts of background knowledge and appreciating details of the context in which the compound is used). You can have (great) brevity, or you can have (great) clarity, but you can’t have both at once.

From the world of commerce, the compound dog spot (which many of us will not have encountered before, or will take to be a reference to the coat pattern of Dalmatian dogs). From the comic strips, two compounds that have conventional interpretations but can also be understood in fresh and unconventional ways: from One Big Happy, dancing school; from Bizarro, cowboy.

dog spot. Google on “dog spot”, and you get, at least at the top of the response, a lot of pictures of spotted dogs, and not just any spotted dog — all kinds of dogs have spotted coats, my childhood part-terrier mutt Spot / Spotty, for one — but the modern canonical spotted dog, the Dalmatian. As here:


(#1) A Dalmatian firedog, on duty

This is dog spot ’roundish mark on a dog’, a subsective compound with N2 head spot (‘a small round or roundish mark, differing in color or texture from the surface around it’ (NOAD‘s sense 1)) and the referent of the N1 modifier dog related as Location to the referent of the N2 head — making the compound a Type O (for ordinary) compound, with a N1-N2 semantic relationship (Location) from a canonical set.

But this is not the compound dog spot I encountered in a tv commercial recently, which proclaimed that the advertised product was

Great for dry spots, dog spots, high traffic areas and shade!

with an illustration of the sort of dog spot in question:


(#2) A dog spot; cf. a dry spot

Also subsective, with N2 head spot (‘a particular place or point’ (NOAD‘s sense 2)), but very much a Type X (for extraordinary or exceptional) compound, with the referent of N1 distantly related to the referent of N2 — you just have to know the story connecting N1 to N2 in this particular example. It helps if you know that such a dog spot is also known as a dog urine / pee spot, or more fully as a dog urine lawn spot, roughly ‘a bare spot in lawn grass caused by a dog urinating there’.

This compound dog spot came to me in a commercial for Hydro Mousse™ Liquid Lawn™, a spray-on grass seed product:


(#3) Note the dog spots on the label (it’s called a mousse because it’s foamy (French mousse ‘froth’))

From the company’s website:

Quick and easy — the grass grows where you spray it! Attaches to any garden hose

The green mousse formula contains an eco-friendly solution that attaches the seed to the soil and reduces the seeds water surface tension allowing it to absorb more water, resulting in a terrific looking lawn! [It also includes a packet of green dye, to make the treated area look better.]

Great for dry spots, dog spots, high traffic areas and shade!

(The company advertises relentlessly. Local tv stations that check out claims made in commercials seem to uniformly find the product worthless.)

Meanwhile, of course, there are many possible understandings of dog spot beyond these two: a spot (in either of the two NOAD senses) shaped like a dog; a spot (sense 2) where dogs gather or are housed (‘a place for dogs’); a spot (sense 1) composed of, ugh, dog stuff; and so on.

dancing school. The One Big Happy strip of 5/5/10, which came by me in a re-issue back in April:


(#4) dancing school: like acting class ‘class for teaching acting’ (Ruthie) or like jumping frog ‘frog that jumps, frog given to jumping’ (James)?

Writing about N + N compounds in which N1 is a nominal gerund (a use of the Vprp verb form) immediately afflicts me with a terrible ABBA “Dancing Queen” earworm, which I will now share with you (in part because it’s the best ABBA hit ever, in part because the title leads to more understandings of NomGer + queen compounds).

From Wikipedia:

“Dancing Queen” is a Europop song by the Swedish group ABBA, released [in 1976] as the lead single from their fourth studio album, Arrival.

You can view a 1976 tv performance of the song here.

The title compound is similar to James’s understanding of dancing school, like jumping frog ‘frog that jumps, frog given to jumping’; in the song, the woman is a metaphorical queen (paired with her king) who dances, likes to dance, is inclined to dance.

For dancing queen out of context, the head N2 queen can be understood in a variety of ways — for instance, as ‘the most outstanding woman in some sphere or group’ (‘queen of dancing, most accomplished dancer’) or as ‘an ostentatiously effeminate gay man’ (‘femmy gay guy who dances’) or as the second element in a snowclonelet composite (either of the enthusiasm variety, ‘enthusiast of dancing’, or of the sexual-preference variety, ‘gay man who seeks dancers as sexual partners’). Just a sampling, and just from Type O compounds. If we get into Type X compounds, then there’s no end; dancing queen could refer to some femmy gay guy you first met outside of a dance studio. (This is the lesson of pumpkin bus and canoe wife.)

cowboy. The Piraro Sunday Bizarro from 4/17/22:


(#5) (If you’re puzzled by the odd symbols in the cartoon — Dan Piraro says there are 5  in this strip — see this Page)

In his ruminant fashion, Bovo understands cowboy as ‘boy of a cow’ , that is, ‘male offspring of a cow’, in one or the other senses of modern English cow denoting a domestic bovine: either (wide sense) in general or (narrow sense) an adult female. (Our everyday vocabulary in this animal semantic domain is something of a mess, but we muddle through, sort of.) So Bovo thinks cowboy should be a subsective N + N compound, indeed of Type O (with the N1-N2 semantic relationship being Kinship).

It follows that for Bovo, since his son is the boy ‘male offspring’ of a cow (wide sense ‘a domestic bovine’) — thus, a cowboy —  and the cowpunch(er) is the boy ‘male offspring’ of a man (wide sense ‘a human (being)’), the cowpunch must be a manboy. I mean, that just stands to reason.

But in actual — not Bovo — English, cowboy is a highly conventionalized N + N compound, maybe subsective (see below), but looking pretty significantly Type X, involving an idiosyncratic N1-N2 semantic relationship.

The short version of the story of the noun cowboy, from NOAD:

a man, typically one on horseback, who herds and tends cattle, especially in the western US and as represented in westerns and novels

Dictionary definitions of Type X compounds tend to devolve like this into story-telling and the unspooling of encyclopedic information.

A longer version from OED3 (March 2022), in an entry that then actually provides a further paragraph of cultural history (not included here):

I. A man or boy who looks after cows. … 2. spec. … b. Esp. in the western United States: a man or boy who herds cattle on an open range or (later) a ranch, usually working on horseback. Later also: a character type in the genre of the Western … and more widely in popular culture, based (often somewhat loosely) on such herdsmen and ranchers and typically characterized as a skilled horseman and gunfighter. [1st cite: 1849 J. S. Jenkins Hist. War U.S. & Mexico i. 52 The Mexican rancheros .. ventured across the Rio Grande .. but they were immediately attacked by the Texan ‘cow-boys’.]

The head noun boy. In addition to the ‘male child’ (identified by sex and age) and ‘son’ (identified by sex and kin relationship) senses, there are two other uses of possible relevance here, the second surely to the point:

— from NOAD, ‘used informally or lightheartedly to refer to a man: the inspector was a local boy‘. This usage includes the plural boys referring lightheartedly to a set of bros, buddies, or guy guys, as in: a weekend fishing with the boys, boys’ night out, the boys down at the pool hall, and “see what the boys in the back room will have”(Wikipedia: “The Boys in the Back Room” is a song written by Frank Loesser, set to music by Frederick Hollaender and performed by Marlene Dietrich in the film Destry Rides Again (1939).).

— in certain now-fixed expressions used without regard to age, ‘a male who does a specified job’. Most such job titles distinguish the holders by age — delivery boy vs. delivery man — but a few do not: copy boy, for one. There’s no copy man; if you run copy around the newsroom and composing room, you’re a copy boy, no matter what your age, and in fact I once worked on the Reading (PA) Eagle with a copy boy who was a bit older than my father.

And cowboy for another (cowman usually refers to a rancher). An old grizzled cowpunch(er) is unhesitatingly labeled a cowboy; hey, that guy on horseback in #5 is no kid.

Like copy boys, cowboys historically tended to be mostly boys or young men: it’s hard physical work, low in status, and poorly paid. So the boy of cowboy is no great surprise, though I hadn’t realized it had become fixed so early in its history.

 

Some people call me Piggie

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Appearing in my FB as a response to my 7/4 posting (for Fathers Day) “I am a good Boy for you, Daddy” (about Daddy – Boy relationships), this remarkable billboard (without identification or comment), featuring a pig-cop character — Mister Piggie — getting oral with an inert character Boy :


(#1) Pig Kisses Boy! Pig because he’s a cop? Pig because he’s unable to control his sexual impulses? (or, of course, both); I suppose that’s supposed to be life-saving mouth-to-mouth resuscitation, but still: ick

The text looks like a book title (or maybe a quotation from a book), attributed to some Bobby Peters we’re expected to recognize. Is the billboard advertising a book by football player and game analyst Bobby Peters? About whom I had trouble getting much information, but then that’s an alien world to me. I spent maybe half an hour fruitlessly trying to chase Bobby Peters down, and then a search on “some call him pig” turned up a Boing Boing posting “Some call him pig!” by Rob Beschizza from 3/3/22. To start with, the football Bobby Peters has nothing to do with it; it’s about a Columbus GA mayor named Bobby Peters. And there’s a 50-year history of “Some call him Pig!”.

[Background note: Boing Boing is an immensely popular and well-informed group blog covering various topics, including (according to Wikipedia) technology, futurism, science fiction, gadgets, intellectual property, Disney, and left-wing politics.]

The original 1971 billboard, from Minnesota, with the image used in #1, but a simpler text — just the “Some call him Pig!”, no expansion to sir used as a mark of respect or subordination to authority (the feature of #1 that made it relevant to the Daddy – Boy world or the wider world of dominant and submissive men) — with no attribution to a source of the wording (it’s just an advertising slogan):


(#2) Intended as an ad hyping the heroism of the Minneapolis police. Note that the outdoor advertising firm (Naegele) that created the billboard is credited on it (b&w reproduction of the billboard from the Boing Boing posting)

Variant billboards and take-offs. After 1971 the pig billboard in #2  was repurposed for other billboards, for police or others; and served as the model for take-offs of various kinds, some earnest, some pointedly comic, some perhaps merely memically playful.

The immediate point is that #1 is decidedly fishy as a billboard. Strikingly, because there is nothing identifying the ad agency that created it (they crave credit for their work) or the sponsor of the message, information that is always, in my experience, available somewhere on real billboards, like the ones in the Boing Boing piece (reproduced below), in particular the one that was surely the model for #1:


(#3) Infinity is the outdoor ad agency, Georgia Police & Fire Games the sponsor; this billboard (dating from the early 2000s) seems to be the first incorporating sir and Bobby Peters in its text

I’m not sure whether it’s even legal (in most American localities) to erect a billboard that identifies neither ad agency nor sponsor. Laws govern the size of billboards, their placement, and their content, but I’m not sure whether it would be legal to put up one that just said

LOVE THY NEIGHBOR

without identifying the ad agency or the sponsor — which might be (among other possibilities) a local church, the National Coalition of Christians and Jews, or the gay porn Next Door Studios (featuring sex with guy-next-door types).

[Background note: from Wikipedia:

Bobby G. Peters (born February 21, 1949) is a Superior Court judge in Columbus, Georgia. He is also the former mayor of Columbus. He was first elected mayor in 1994, after twelve years as a city councilor [and served as mayor from 1995 through 2002].

And from the Boing Boing posting:

Bobby Peters was mayor of Columbus, Georgia and is now on the Superior Court there; his wikipedia biography makes note that “in a field of six candidates, including a black minister and the president of the N.A.A.C.P., he won without a runoff and won every black precinct in the city,” that being important for some reason to this white judge. [AZ: the Wikipedia entry is both adulatory — “eight great years without a tax increase and over a billion dollars of new investment in the city” — and weird — “This is a fact, one of his grandchildren is Jagger Cash Watson”. No doubt written by Peters himself or, more likely, someone on his staff.] ]

In any case, #3 is the beginning of the story about how Bobby Peters ended up along with Mister Piggie in #1, which now appears to be, not an actual billboard, but a take-off on it, a memically playful one that preserves the image from #2 and #3 (probably for the ick factor) and alters the text of #3. Abut 20 years ago, somebody used software to run changes on #3, and then the result, #1, has been fairly widely distributed as entertainment. As with most memic images and texts,  there’s no known creator, and no one cares much about that: people just pass the things around.

Boing Boing on #2. Which begins with this image:

(#4)

[Several readers] noticed an interesting painting at their local police station. The painting is titled “And some call him pig!” and features [Mister Piggie as] an officer of the West Virginia State Police. What the officer is doing, exactly, suggests well-trodden debates over artistic intent and effect.

The phrase was to be found in a pro-police billboard ad campaign produced by a Minneapolis ad agency in 1971 [#2 above]. It’s obviously the direct inspiration, more competently painted if no less peculiar.

It was noticed by radical Italian architect Gianni Pettena:


(#5) Note the very prominent name of the ad agency Naegele

That poster was paid for by the [Minneapolis] police department to celebrate the courage of their agents, but faced with the image of a policeman kissing a little boy on the mouth, I said that it was no surprise they were called ‘pigs.’ But I was the only one to have seen it as a kiss and the others saw nothing funny in it

The campaign cropped up in Rochester, N.Y. and many other places:


(#6) Mister Piggie in Rochester NY


(#7) Mister Piggie in Port Huron MI

Here it is being mocked by Hustler:


(#8) The Hustler parody of Mister Piggie; of course they call him Pig: Boy in #2 is nowhere near the age to consent to Mister Piggie’s manhandling and oral passions, not to mention Boy’s being unconscious; now in the parody, Boy is still alarmingly unconscious — and though he’s ephebic rather than childish and might actually be panting for the attentions of a male lover (gay teens are everywhere) or even have a thing for cops (a gay male taste for police and military men is not uncommon), he’s still a piece of chicken (US gay ‘underage boy’) — so hands off, you creep

The memory of this campaign is dear to the boomers and it turns up now and again: [see #3 above] photographed on a billboard in Georgia, with some new additions: the subtitle “I call him OFFICER & SIR!!” and the attribution to “Bobby Peters Mayor.” [Boing Boing follows with the information about Peters, above]

A musical tribute to Mister Piggie. As in the title of this posting. From the Steed Mucker Band (“never cool, always crude”) song “The Poker”:

Some people call me the space cop, yeah
Some call me the gangster of love
Some people call me Piggie

(the band is the evil twin of the Steve Miller Band, with their song The Joker”, the title track of their 1973 album, in which some people call the joker the space cowboy, some the gangster of love, and some Maurice).

Well, they actually call him Mister Piggie — as in They Call Me Mister Tibbs. From Wikipedia:

They Call Me Mister Tibbs! is a 1970 American … crime drama film directed by Gordon Douglas [with Sidney Poitier in the role of police detective Virgil Tibbs, someone you call sir, not boy]. The second installment in a trilogy, the release was preceded by In the Heat of the Night (1967) and followed by The Organization (1971). The film’s title was taken from a line in the first film.

Breaking through the wall

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Today’s Piccolo / Price Rhymes With Orange strip is a play on specific American tv commercials (with some gentle old-age mockery folded in), so will be baffling to any reader who doesn’t recognize the Kool-Aid Man mascot or know the wall-breaking “Oh Yeah!” tv ads featuring KAM:


(#1) There is, however, a hint to the reader in the “So not kool” (with kool instead of cool) in the title panel; note also the generational disparity reinforced by the GenX so there (see my 11/14/11 posting “GenX so“)

On the mascot, from Wikipedia:


(#2) KAM, away from walls

Kool-Aid Man (sometimes referred to as the Kool-Aid Guy or Captain Kool-Aid in Canada) is the official mascot for Kool-Aid, a brand of flavored drink mix. The character has appeared on television and in print advertising as a fun-loving, gigantic, and joyful anthropomorphic pitcher filled with “The Original Flavor” Cherry Kool-Aid. He is typically featured answering the call of children by smashing through walls or furnishings and then holding a pitcher filled with Kool-Aid while saying his catchphrase, “Oh yeah!” He had a comic series produced by Marvel where he fought evil villains called “Thirsties” and even fought a man engulfed in fire named Scorch. He can also come in many different colors such as red, blue, green, and purple.

You can watch, on YouTube here, a “Classic Kool-Aid Man Commercial Compilation (OH YEAH!)” of wall-breaking sugary goodness:

Kool-Aid Man, the anthropromorphic mascot of the Kool-Aid soft drink, was a well-known American icon in the late 1900s, often the star of TV ads. One of his most well-known acts is breaking through walls with an enthusiastic “Oh Yeah!”, providing children with the sugary drink they love.

In the comics, confronting the Thirsties, from Milwaukee magazine, “Kool Aid Man Through the Years” by Matt Hrodey on 4/12/13:


(#3) [caption:] Earlier incarnations of the Kool Aid drama were sometimes less idyllic in their interactions between pitcher and setting. Here, flying wood hangs in space as an immediate danger, and the Man is holding a smaller pitcher of drink for the kids (one of which has a mustache). Later versions, by allowing the Man’s own contents to slosh over his lip, suggested that the drink would come from the being’s own reservoir of Kool Aid. Refreshing! [AZ: he generously gives of his own essence to provide pleasure to others; Take, drink, this is my blood…]

On other sites, you can find artwork of KAM breaking through Pink Floyd’s “The Wall”, breaking through Wall Street, who knows what else. And on this blog, in my 6/15/16 posting “Cross-commercial fertilization”:

Currently running the rounds on American television, a Progressive Insurance ad (featuring the company’s spokesperson Flo) into which a giant humanoid pitcher of some colored drink intrudes, by crashing through the wall

The old-age cartoon. #1 is not only a KAM cartoon, but also an old-age cartoon, mocking the debilities of old age; note the cane and the need for prune juice to regulate defecation by alleviating constipation. But unlike fatness mockery, effeminacy mockery, redneck mockery, and other humor turning on contempt for the Other, this mockery is gentle, because old age (and its debilities) comes to all of us, should we be so lucky.

But, then, prune juice and constipation. Fruits and fruit juices have a gently laxative effect by supplying fiber (both soluble and insoluble) and sorbitol (which pulls water into the large intestine); fruits that contain sorbitol include apples, pears, grapes, stone fruits (apricots, plums, peaches, etc.), and dried fruit (prunes, figs, apricots, dates, etc.). Stewed prunes and prune juice are especially good sources of sorbitol — at any age, and I think they’re tasty.

But in fact, in the dried fruit world, I’m more of a fig guy than a prune guy. So I can tell you that there is indeed such a thing as fig juice, which you can make yourself or get commercially. I eat 3or 4 dried figs every day (for their taste and texture, not for their medical virtues), but haven’t had the juice for quite some time, and I can’t vouch for this brand, but here it is, from the Innit site: Smart Juice brand fig juice (in a 33.8 oz bottle):


(#4) (Innit provides brand information to “partners in the food, retail, appliance, and technology industries”, also offers recipes and sells products)

A linguistic note. Please don’t tell me superciliously that a fig is not a fruit, but (technically) a flower, an everted flower. Indeed, in the botanical terminology used to name the parts of plants, a fig is a flower, not a fruit. But in the everyday culinary terminology for kinds of foodstuffs, a fig is a fruit, not a vegetable. Are you incapable of handling ambiguity, and of understanding the meanings of words in context? Are you deranged enough to think that a word can have only one meaning? Are you really that pig-headedly uncooperative?

(You will recognize here a counterpart to the unredeemably bizarre claim that a tomato is not a vegetable, but a fruit, as if the word fruit didn’t have an everyday culinary sense as well as a technical use just for botanists. A fair number of (culinary) vegetables are plant parts that are called in (I think badly chosen) botanical terminology fruits: for example, cucumbers, zucchini and other squashes (including pumpkins), bell peppers, eggplants, and, yes, tomatoes. Get over it.)

CalWord: the Calvin Theory of Word Use

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🐇 🐇 🐇 (the commencement of September) The Calvin and Hobbes comic strip from 9/1/92, reprised in my comics feed on 8/30:


(#1) We can achieve intergenerational incommunicability! Yes we can!

Calvin articulates a view of word use, call it CalWord, which comes in two parts:

Endless lability. Any word can be used to convey any meaning. In the CalWord view, a word is merely substance — pronunciation or spelling — that can be put to any use.  So words are the stem cells of the linguistic world. From NOAD:

compound noun stem cellBiology an undifferentiated cell of a multicellular organism which is capable of giving rise to indefinitely more cells of the same type, and from which certain other kinds of cell arise by differentiation.

Social fencing. Socially distributed variants can serve as social fences, separating the Ins from the Outs and impeding the Outs’ ability to comprehend and communicate with the Ins — impeding, for example, one generation’s ability to comprehend or communicate with the generations after it. The fencing effect is very noticeable for lexical variants — different bits of substance for the same use (soda vs. pop, say); or, especially relevant here, different uses for the same substance (gay ‘lighthearted, carefree’ vs. ‘homosexual’ vs. ‘foolish, stupid, unimpressive’, say).

Things that Calvin doesn’t (seem to) know about

On  the lability front. The background story here is the one in Genesis 2:20 (KJV):

And Adam gave names to all cattle, and to the fowl of the air, and to every beast of the field …

The picture is of someone explicitly, self-consciously, choosing names for the things in their world — in Adam’s case, apparently picking names out of the air. In real life, such explicit naming does happen  (I am, after all, by profession something of a terminology-wrangler), but most naming happens implicitly, unreflectively, in the course of talking and writing. And very little naming, whether explicit or tacit, is the invention of totally fresh substance: almost all naming is either re-naming, taking existing bits of substance and using them in new ways (using, say, the name of the canned meat product Spam to refer to irrelevant or inappropriate net messages); or employing productive schemes for deriving new bits of substance from existing ones, via derivational morphology, compounding, and other processes (creating, say, marvy, fab, or far out).

Let’s focus on using existing bits of substance in new ways, which is what Calvin is mostly on about in the comic strip. Here Calvin seems to think that we can just decide to use some existing bit of substance in a new way. He is one with Humpty Dumpty, in this exchange with Alice:

[Humpty Dumpty:] There’s glory for you!’

‘I don’t know what you mean by “glory”,’ Alice said.

‘Humpty Dumpty smiled contemptuously. ‘Of course you don’t – till I tell you. I meant “there’s a nice knock-down argument for you!”’

‘But “glory” doesn’t mean “a nice knock-down argument”, Alice objected.

When I use a word,’ Humpty Dumpty said in rather a scornful tone, ‘it means just what I choose it to mean – neither more nor less.’

‘The question is,’ said Alice, ‘whether you can make words mean different things – that’s all.’

‘The question is,’ said Humpty Dumpty, ‘which is to be master – that’s all’

Now, in real life, word uses do change — usually not by fiat, like this, but, more important, not by giant leaps, not without some connection to existing uses: the changes are almost always incremental, along an assortment of paths that have long been studied: semantic extension, specialization, metaphor (turning on similarity in referents), and several types of metonymy (turning on association between referents). Whatever the details, and however much work it might take a linguist or lexicographer to appreciate the path of change in specific cases, it’s almost always the case that you have to be able to get there from here.

This isn’t an especially profound observation, but follows partly  from the way real people discover how to use words — from the evidence of what other people say, in context, without any knowledge of what other people have in their heads, also without a panoptic view of usage (but only the sampling of their own experience). And also partly from speakers’ desires to find a good word for their referents and (mostly unconsciously, in real time) stretching their existing vocabulary to satisfy that desire. (I hit on the metaphorical social fencing above in just this fashion, in the heat of writing.)

On the social fencing front. From my 6/30/15 posting “That goes without”, on NYT critic Amanda Hess about ICE (I Can’t Even) truncations in gay YouTuber and activist Tyler Oakley’s reaction to photos of a sweaty, near-naked Glee actor Darren Criss: “I literally cannot even,” he informed his fans. “I can’t even. I am unable to even. I have lost my ability to even. I am so unable to even. Oh, my God. Oh, my God!”:


(#2) Criss, displaying his abs and inguinal crease and inciting Oakley’s ICE capade; I post it here just to keep everybody paying attention as I launch into a brief sociolinguistic moment

Purposes of slang. Hess goes on to observe, correctly, that the audience for Tyler Oakley and the people she quotes is not adults, but other teenagers:

But if you really believe that teenage girls (and boys) don’t know what they’re talking about, it’s more likely that they just don’t want you to know what they’re talking about. Teenagers may not be able to drive or vote or stay out past curfew or use the bathroom during school hours without permission, but they can talk. Their speech is the site of rebellion, and their slang provides shelter from adult scrutiny.

(More generally: all talk has an intended audience, and though you might experience some of the talk, you’re not necessarily in that intended audience. This goes not only for teen talk, but also for business jargon, technical talk, and many other kinds of talk specific to certain contexts and purposes.)

But saying that is not saying that the purpose of youth slang is concealment from adult scrutiny. It’s quite likely that teens using “I can’t even” [the ICE slang construction] are giving no thought to adults at all; their use of slang is affiliative, designed to create and reinforce social bonds, and the exclusion of people outside the targeted social groups is a side effect. (Some uses of slang are also ostentatious: people showing off their creativity.)

Now there are people who do indeed use slang to conceal — for instance, the criminals, con men, drug addicts, prostitutes, and others in the marginal subcultures studied by David W. Maurer in his work (which Hess mentions). But these uses shouldn’t be seen as the model for the much larger world of slang.

So: both parts of the CalWord view founder on the way the world works. But then Calvin is only 6 (and has been since 1985); though he’s headstrong and subject to wild enthusiasms, he’s clever and sometimes capable of learning from his stuffed tiger Hobbes. He could learn.

Three greetings for 9/6/22

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For Woo(l)ly Mammoth’s #82: a fresh greeting formula, a morning hummer, and a fairy woodland bouquet. To which I’m adding some carrot cake and coffee ice cream: it’s not only my birthday, it’s also National Coffee Ice Cream Day, which I’m honoring all aslant (with coffee gelato), as I do so many things. To alter a family saying (If it’s worth doing, it’s worth doing badly): If it’s worth doing, it’s worth doing eccentrically (for other occasions: If it’s worth doing, it’s worth doing outrageously).

The fresh greeting formula. Alternatives to Happy birthday, nice though that greeting is. The household tradition (which comes from Ann Daingerfield Zwicky) is I am glad you were born. Today’s greeting, from Gadi Niram: (long form, from Gadi) I can’t tell you how happy I am that you keep having birthdays; (short from, edited down by me) I’m happy you keep having birthdays.

My response:

What a lovely way to frame the sentiment. The conveyed message is, sort of, I’m really glad you haven’t died — but you’re accentuating the positive, which is joyful.

(That is, you got to accentuate the positive and eliminate the negative. Like the song says.) The song, however, is from my parents’ generation, and maybe Gadi didn’t know it (but he did). From Wikipedia:

“Ac-Cent-Tchu-Ate the Positive” is a popular song which was published in 1944. The music was written by Harold Arlen and the lyrics by Johnny Mercer.

Don’t mess with Mister In-Between.

The morning hummer. Then there appeared in my mailfeed the juiciest, spiciest, raciest greeting card that has ever been my pleasure to receive. It was that of a tiny bird intent on taking pleasure in conjoining with the pink-inflamed organs of a rampant flower.

It was a Jacquie Lawson animated greeting card (with music). From Rod Williams and Ted Bush. A one-minute wordless tale in which a ruby-throated hummingbird (Archilochus colubris) hooks up with a newly opened morning glory (Ipomoea purpurea) flower. Three screen shots from the story:


(#1) Sighting


(#2) Approach


(#3) Penetration

My reply to Ted and Rod:

Ah, the red-throated hummingbird has plunged all the way into the quiveringly open pink bell of of the welcoming morning glory: the morning hummer.

Here I’ve introduced the sexual slang hummer, homophonous with the ornithological slang hummer ‘hummingbird’. From GDoS:

compound noun hum job [AZ: with sex-act libfix job, as in hand job, blow job, etc.] — also noun hummer [AZ: with event –er, as in kegger, nooner, etc.]: (US) fellation, which is intensified by the fellator humming as he/she sucks.

Finally, the beginning of this section — “there appeared in my mailfeed the juiciest …” — is a riff on Tom Lehrer’s fabulously deadpan intro to his song “Alma”:

Last December 13th [in 1964], there appeared in the newspapers the juiciest, spiciest, raciest obituary that has ever been my pleasure to read. It was that of a lady named Alma Mahler-Gropius-Werfel who had, in her lifetime, managed to acquire as lovers practically all of the top creative men in central Europe, and, among these lovers, who were listed in the obituary, by the way, which was what made it so interesting, there were three whom she went so far as to marry.

(Two beautifully constructed sentences that I have admired for 60 years.)

The fairy woodland bouquet. As I was taking this in, the fairies appeared. The playful, powerful ones, from Midsummer Night’s Dream. In yet another Jacquie Lawson electronic card, from Bonnie and Ed Campbell, wishing me happy birthday via a magical woodland bouquet that assembles itself before our eyes, plus the magical Mendelssohn music (MND condensed — whoosh — into a single minute!):

(#4)

But wait! There’s more! As I was writing up these three greetings, a mammoth one came in from Vadim Temkin; then Gadi sent me the imperative greeting EAT CAKE!, which inspired me to order up a carrot cake, for which my stashed red bean mooncakes would serve as backup (I then had a hearty no-cook breakfast for lunch here on the hot sands of the Gobi, with a piece of carrot cake for dessert); and finally a third Jacquie Lawson arrived, from Helen Aristar-Dry, getting a round of surprised laughing-out-loud from me (laughter’s an excellent birthday gift) — a family in a museum is watching Monet waterlilies in lightly rippling waters, when a large playful black lab dog jumps into the pond on the right and swims across it, goes off the left edge of the painting, then appears on the left side of the museum floor, to bound up to its family and shake water all over them. A lovely little bit of frame-breaking.

VT on the Year of Polar Rapprochement: Vadim Temkin has been sending me digital artworks of his own composition for my birthday for many years, involving, among other things, woolly mammoths, penguins, gay signs and symbols, and male bodies (on their own or in sexual connection). I really wasn’t expecting an e-card from him this year, since he’s still getting settled in Medillín, Colombia. But he stepped up to bat once again, with this frosty delight:


(#5) Woolly mammoth with two penguins; in a Freudian reading, my gigantic gay id is being critiqued by my chilly ego and super-ego; in another reading, two sweet twinks stand in awe of Biiig Arnold; you can probably think of other interpretations (sometimes a mammoth is just a mammoth)

And as I was processing this image for posting, there came today’s most satisfying greeting: the briefest of notes, with a promise of more to come, from my first male lover (a fine man, then and now). After 50 years, both of us are managing to keep having birthdays, and that is a Very Good Thing.

 

Mortal power

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The 8/11/22 Rhymes With Orange, exploiting an ambiguity in the noun killer as the modifier N1 in N1 + N2 compounds, in this case in killer abs (literal ‘abs that are killers, abs that kill’ vs. figurative ‘abs that are killer / remarkable’):


(#1) In the worlds of advertisements featuring beautiful people, the health and fitness literature, and soft porn, figurative killer abs are commonplace; abs that kill, however, have (so far as I know) never once appeared on a police blotter

Wider topic: the figurative modifiers of mortal power — premodifying killer (killer abs, a killer app), postmodifying of death (the cruise of death, referring to a penetrating sexual facial expression).

Male body parts and sexual connections between men plus a ton of linguistic expressions in their social contexts, what more could I ask for?

The abs of killer abs. First, the word. From NOAD:

noun absinformal the abdominal muscles.

Your abdominal muscles are also called your abdominals — the C(ount) noun abdominal is a beheading of the phrase abdominal muscle, and abdominals is its plural form — and they’re also called your abs — a clipping of abdominals.

Then, the thing. From Wikipedia:


(#2) From A Tighter U Gym & Wellness Center’s “8 Steps to Getting Killer Six Pack Abs”, a posting of 1/6/17

The rectus abdominis muscle, (Latin: straight abdominal) … is a paired straight muscle. There are two parallel muscles, separated by a midline band of connective tissue

… Bands of connective tissue traverse the rectus abdominis, separating it into distinct muscle bellies. In the abdomens of people with low body fat, these muscle bellies can be viewed externally. They can appear in sets of as few as two to as many as twelve, although, six is the most common.

The killer of killer abs. Overview: the noun killer has a literal sense (‘a person or thing that kills’) and also an assortment of figurative senses, referring to people or things that stand out or are remarkable in some way; these nouns killer are all available as modifier N1 in N1 + N2 compound nouns; meanwhile there is also (for many speakers) an adjective killer that has developed from figurative uses of the noun (roughly like the way an adjective fun has developed from the noun fun: that is so fun ‘that is lots of fun’, that is so killer ‘that is really amazing’).

[Warnings: on the whole, dictionaries are not very good at distinguishing syntactic functions (like Head and Modifier) and syntactic categories (like Adjective and Noun), so the labels in their entries are often misleading; and then, there is very considerable variation in actual people’s usage (I recognize and understand the adjectives fun and killer, but don’t use either of them myself); and finally, in many actual occurrences of killer, you can’t tell (even from the context) what analysis the speaker or writer had in mind on that occasion (but we all cope anyway).]

I’ll slide into killer, specifically, through the figurative modifiers of mortal power, starting with my 7/30/11 posting “X of death, killer X”:

I wrote, a propos of a postcard of a young man with an extraordinarily developed musculature, that he had “abs [abdominal muscles] of death”, and then thought of the template X of death, with the postmodifier of death conveying ‘overwhelming, magnificent’, much like the premodifier killer in expressions like killer abs — both of them hyperbolically metaphorical allusions to the effects of X on people.

The 2011 posting here used an 1978 Ortleb & Fiala cartoon in which “an innocent passerby is stopped dead in his tracks by Al “the-cruise-of-death” Jones”. Having reposted this several times, I’ll turn instead to a Cruise of Death photo that my friend John Dorrance posted yesterday on Facebook:


(#3) JD writes: Here’s an old photo of me, just in case I’ve never eye-fucked you. [AZ: I don’t recall having heard the verb eye-fuck before, but I admire its back-formed beauty]

Now back to the 2011 posting.

Meanwhile, there are piles of X of death cites for various body parts [abs, glutes, pecs, ass, tits, dick]

… Tons of hits for killer X:  killer abskiller gluteskiller ass, etc., and of course killer apps, killer deal, etc. This sense of killer even made it into OED2, but back then it had not spread to so many body-parts and to terms from technology and business and then to more general slang use (as in a killer idea / concept).

… All the [OED] cites are relatively recent and from the world of popular music: 1979 killer set, 1983 killer album, 1986 killer track.

… The hyperbolic extension of kill that lies behind of death and killer is given in OED2’s subentry under kill:

To overwhelm (a person) by a strong impression on the mind, as of admiration, astonishment, alarm, grief, etc.: to impress with irresistible force. Also, to convulse (someone) with laughter; to excite, thrill, delight. [cites from the early 18th century on]

Current dictionaries. From NOAD on the modifier killer (which it treats as an adjective):

1 denoting a person or thing that kills: a killer virus. 2 informal [a] extremely difficult or unpleasant: I woke up with a killer hangover. [b] mainly US very impressive or effective; excellent:  … a killer physique.

Then from GDoS on the noun killer:

… 2 someone or something exceptional (both positive and negative) (a) (orig. US) an outstanding, formidable person, often attractive, occas. menacing … (b) of an object, something exceptional of its type … (c) (orig. US) something very difficult to manage … (d) of performers / performances, the very best … 6 as a term of address [cites from 1997 and 2001 books by American author Eddie Little, a chronicler of “coming of age in the underbelly of society and heroin addiction” (Wikipedia)]

(I’ll come back to the address term killer in a while.)

GDoS treats the (orig. US) modifier killer ‘terrific, amazing, effective’ as an adjective; the cites, from 1971 on, are at first from the music industry (1971 killer hit, 1984 [Prince’s] killer act), and a later one is as well (1999 killer album). Then we see radiation of the usage to all sorts of domains: 1991 killer omelets (I have the impression that food is an especially welcoming domain for the usage), 2000 killer fact, 2004 killer smile.

And then in the OED2 draft additions from May 2001, radiation to the technology domain:

killer application  n. Computing an application which is particularly significant or useful; a feature, function, or application of a new technology or product which is presented as virtually indispensable or much superior to rival products; also in extended use. [1st cite 1987 from PC Week]

killer app [(with the clipping app for application) 1st cite 1988 from PC Week]

At some point, the usage radiated to bodyparts as well, abs especially. I don’t have a firm handle on its spread through this domain. For some examples, see the Killer Appendix below.

killer X with literal killer. Though I’ve been focusing gimlet-like on figurative killer  X, just to remind you that there literal occurrences (‘an X that kills things, that causes things to die’) too. There are even, entertainingly, killer penguins. Ok, in a fictional world, but if you visit that world, steer clear of Eudyptes omnicidus.

From theZoo Tycoon Wiki Fandom site on the killer penguin (lightly edited):

The killer penguin (Eudyptes omnicidus) is a very large fictional bird.


(#4) Thumbnail of the creature

It is an extremely large member of the penguin genus Eudyptes, identifiable by the presence of yellow crests of feathers above their eyes. Superficially, the killer penguin resembles a very large rockhopper penguin (Eudyptes chrysocome), but has glowing yellow eyes and sharp teeth. As its name implies, the killer penguin is a savage predator and will hunt and kill any other creature it comes across, often purely for fun.

The adjective killer. One example from NOAD that really is an adjective, not a bare C noun killer in predicative function: the soundtrack is killer.

And then two cites from the net with adverbial so:

Why the Shocking Twist in ‘Bodies Bodies Bodies’ Is so Killer (link)

The Chevy Squarebody is so killer even the US Military wanted them!! (link)

The address term killer. The Eddie Little examples in GDoS mentioned above:

1997 Come on, killer[…] Let’s roll.

2001 Finish this [food], killer, get some meat back on your bones.

My impression is that this address term is mostly AmE and working-class, primarily used by men to men, to express affectionate respect (for the addressee’s power), though of course any such term can be wielded sarcastically or ironically.

Which brings me to the remarkable Jerry Lee Lewis. From Wikipedia:

Jerry Lee Lewis (born September 29, 1935) is an American singer, songwriter, and pianist. Nicknamed the Killer, he has been described as “rock n’ roll’s first great wild man and one of the most influential pianists of the 20th century.

And then from Guardian interview with the man:

… your nickname? “Ach, that,” he says. “I didn’t mean nothing bad by that.” How did it come about? “I was leaving high school one afternoon with my friend, and he or me said, ‘I’m going home now, I’ll meet you at the pool hall.’ And he or me said, ‘OK, I’ll see you there, killer.’ And that’s how it got started.”

… He shakes my hand as he leaves for his summer hideaway just outside Memphis, and hobbles to the Rolls-Royce Corniche. Lewis bends himself into the driver’s seat and reverses down that endless drive. “See ya later, Killer,” he says.

JLL is in fact known for using killer to address other men.

buster, cousin of killer. Another AmE male address term in violence-based –er agentive territory (neither of them previously treated on this blog). From NOAD (which tries to put the most frequent use first in an entry):

noun buster: informal 1 mainly North American used as a mildly disrespectful or humorous form of address, especially to a man or boy: your parents’ decisions affect you, like it or not, buster. 2 [a] a person or thing that breaks, destroys, or overpowers something: [in combination]: the drug’s reputation as a flu-buster… [AZ: hence, Buster used as nickname conveying ‘tough guy’]

GDoS has 6 entries for a noun buster, with a great many senses. buster-1 sense 1 has uses conveying “size, energy or (exceptional) character”. Then:

buster-3 sense 1: a person, often an old and cantankerous one [from mid-19th c. on in BrE] … ; a general term of (affectionate) address [AmE cites from 20th and 21st c. are notably challenging, distinguishing buster from killer]

OED3 (March 2012) on the noun buster has a range of senses, especially the two in GDoS:

… 2. a. A person who or thing which is impressive or remarkable, esp. in being more than typically large, loud, etc. [1st cite 1833] b. A form of address to (or occasionally a term for) a person, esp. a man, variously expressing affection, familiarity, disrespect, or hostility. Formerly frequently in old buster. [old buster cites 1838-1919; newer, AmE usage, cites 1948-2001]

Finally, there’s the AmE nickname Buster, very widely used, especially for sports figures (though I suspect it’s wandered fairly far from its original zone of busting things with a bat, stick, fists, heads, or feet). Three notable Busters:

actor Buster Crabbe (Clarence Linden Crabbe II), actor Buster Keaton (Joseph Frank Keaton), SF Giants ball-player Buster Posey (Gerald Dempsey Posey III)

The Killer Appendix. With all the examples of killer X in my postings on this blog, whether in quotations from others or in writing by my own hand. Lots of abs, lots of food.

— in my 7/14/10 posting “Dolls and action figures”:
All his muscles are big, really big, and he has killer abs.

— in my 12/16/11 posting “More memories”:
the Essex Deli, source of blintzes, pastrami sandwiches, killer pickles, and more

— in my 7/3/13 posting “Music and words”:
the Think Denk posting, “Schubert’s killer abs”

— in my 7/12/15 posting “Waterside trio”:
Killer abs and pecs

— in my 11/9/15 posting “PUMP! Boys and Trojans”:
pumped up a / Killer package for him

— in my 12/12/15 posting “Dev Hynes”:
[The blood orange] makes a killer water ice or gelato.

— in my 4/17/16 posting “Another winged man”:
sporting new tattoos, a buffer bod, and some killer (and no doubt erotically painful) body piercings

— in my 5/6/16 posting “More tiki!”:
tiki lounges (where you can get killer cocktails and Polynesian/Chinese food)

— in my 6/18/16 posting “At the Head of the Wolf”:
Money, sex, and anthropophagy, plus killer abs and electric underwear.

— in my 7/4/16 posting “Fireworks, hot dogs, and, yes, gun sales”:
Although we boiled our hot dogs, we think Hebrew National would make a killer grilled version.

— in my 7/19/18 posting “Get your cruise face on”:
street cruising, with its apotheotic facial expression, the Killer Cruise, aka the Cruise of Death

— in my 11/27/19 posting “At the onomatomania dinette”:
and some absolutely killer waffles, the food is everything you’d want in a brunch spot

— in my 6/7/20 posting “Pride faces”:
[about photo of pornstar Justin Matthews:] From early in his career, when he had romantic hair …; the killer abs are long-standing

— in my 9/23/20 posting “Feeling more one-headed”:
he could wield a killer cruise face when he was looking for casual hookups with men (mostly in gyms)

— in my 7/29/22 posting “Many a pickle packs a pucker”:
Stokra (totally killer pickled okra)

 


It’s a satire, son!

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… paraphrasing Looney Tunes’s Foghorn Leghorn, describing a discussion of how to trap and then dispatch predatory coyotes in a suburban neighborhood of Cleveland Heights OH — in which Tim Evanson reported putting out a roadrunner (aka road runner), tied to a stake, as a lure (another Looney Tunes allusion) and I suggested as an alternative bait “the superfluous infants of the poor” (alluding to a Jonathan Swift pamphlet of 1729).

Tim and I both spoke satirically; we both wanted our satirical intent to be recognized; and we were both reluctant just to flag our suggestions with a smiley 😀 that shouts out “It’s a satire, son!” But readers often fail to discern satirical intent (especially if they don’t know what sort of person the writer is), so Tim and I jacked things up with those preposterous allusions, both of which wear their own satirical intent on their sleeves. (No actual greater road runners, Geococcyx californianus, or desperately impoverished infants are implicated in our proposals.)

(I will confess that it took me half an hour to get the two sentences of my proposal just so.)

It all began on Oakridge Dr. in Cleveland Heights yesterday, with Tim posting this photo to FB:


(#1) — TE: Very big male coyote on Oakridge Dr. this morning. A couple doors down from my house. [photo from a neighbor walking her dog; note that TE has a relatively small dog of his own, so that neighborhood coyotes are unwelcome news]

The FB exchanges continued (allusions in boldface; satirical jabs marked with a 😀):

— Edward Shaw: Are [hunting] bows illegal in Cleveland Heights? You know ideas for other things as well [for eliminating the coyote threat].

— TE > ES: I used to put out a roadrunner tied to a stake. [😀 (to trap the coyote) allusion to Wile E. Coyote vs. Road Runner in Looney Tunes animated cartoons; they’ll make their appearances later in this posting]

— AZ > TE: It would doubtless be more effective to use the superfluous infants of the poor. I offer this as a modest proposal. [😀 allusion to Jonathan Swift’s 1729 “A Modest Proposal [For preventing the Children of Poor People From being a Burthen to Their Parents or Country, and For making them Beneficial to the Publick]”]

— AZ: Wow. Definitely on the wolf end of the coyote scale. And with the bearing of a wolf.

— James Moore > AZ: Could be a wolf/coyote hybrid …

— TE: There are no wild wolves living in Ohio.

— AZ > TE: I was aware of that, only noting that coyotes are variable, coming on a scale with one wolf-like end.

— TE > AZ: James suggested a hybrid, but I have no idea where the wolf DNA would come from. Maybe a DeSantis flight? [alluding to Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, currently given to flying migrants (fleeing Venezuela, especially) from Texas to northern sanctuary cities and other locations]

— AZ > TE: I knew about [hybrid] coywolves (and coydogs), but wasn’t suggesting they were involved here (if that’s actual wolf DNA, it’s from a long time ago). But your proposal to blame it on DeSantis is both ingenious and entertaining. May flights of Floridian wolves sing you home to Cleveland! [heavily reworking the line from from Hamlet: “Good night, sweet prince. May flights of angels sing thee to thy rest”]

The creatures: coyotes and road runners. From Wikipedia on the canine in #1:

The coyote (Canis latrans) is a species of canine native to North America. It is smaller than its close relative, the wolf … historical names for the species include [the American jackal,] the prairie wolf and the brush wolf.

The coyote is listed as least concern by the International Union for Conservation of Nature, due to its wide distribution and abundance throughout North America [AZ: this reference to a major urban pest is entertainingly understated]. The species is versatile, able to adapt to and expand into environments modified by humans. It is enlarging its range by moving into urban areas in the eastern U.S. and Canada.

And from Wikipedia on the bird:


(#2) Greater Road Runner, on the run (photo: Nancy Christensen / Macaulay Library)

The roadrunners (genus Geococcyx), also known as chaparral birds or chaparral cocks, are two species [G. californianus and G. velox] of fast-running [up to 20 mph or more] ground cuckoos with long tails and crests. They are found in the southwestern and south-central United States and Mexico, usually in the desert. [AZ: There are no road runners in Ohio, which is over a thousand miles from their territory.] Although capable of flight, roadrunners generally run away from predators. [The bird calls with a nasal “meep meep” when running away from danger; hence the Looney Tunes Road Runner’s beep-beep, also echoic of the sound of automobile horns (and electronic devices).]

And then, at the movies: Wile E. Coyote and the Road Runner. From Wikipedia, an affectionate account (which might soon be altered by editors critical of the entry’s lack of sources):

Wile E. Coyote and the Road Runner are a duo of cartoon characters from the Looney Tunes series of animated cartoons, first appearing in 1949 in the theatrical cartoon short Fast and Furry-ous. In each episode, the cunning, devious and constantly hungry coyote repeatedly attempts to catch and subsequently eat the Road Runner, but is successful in catching the Road Runner (but not eating it) on only extremely rare occasions. Instead of his animal instincts, the coyote uses absurdly complex contraptions (generally in the manner of Rube Goldberg) to try to catch his prey, which comically backfire, with the coyote often getting injured in slapstick fashion. Many of the items for these contrivances are mail-ordered from a variety of companies implied to be part of the Acme Corporation.


(#3) The Acme firecracker disaster; through this link, you can watch Wile E. Coyote vs. Acme (part 1), a YouTube compilation of virtually every single Acme product used by Wile E. Coyote in his attempts to catch the Road Runner (from 1949 through 1980)

One running gag involves the coyote trying, in vain, to shield himself with a little parasol against a great falling boulder that is about to crush him. Another involves him falling from high cliffs, after momentarily being suspended in midair — as if the fall is delayed until he realizes that there is nothing below him. The rest of the scene, shot from a bird’s-eye view, shows him falling into a canyon so deep that his figure is eventually lost to sight, with only a small puff of dust indicating his impact.


(#4) The  mid-air pause before the fall

The coyote is notably a brilliant artist, capable of quickly painting incredibly lifelike renderings of such things as tunnels and roadside scenes, in further (and equally futile) attempts to deceive the bird.

The characters were created for Warner Bros. in 1948 by animation director Chuck Jones and writer Michael Maltese, with Maltese also setting the template for their adventures.

It has, of course, occurred to me to riffle through the Acme catalog — where is that damned thing? — for products that might allow Tim to rid his neighborhood of pesky coyotes. (We have those coyotes here in California too, just not in my immediate neighborhood.) Maybe there are Acme drones that can launch Acme anti-coyote anvils; that would be cool.

The proverbial dead cat

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The 10/10 Piccolo / Price Rhymes With Orange cartoon is delightful, but incomprehensible if you don’t know the proverb whose standard form is now Curiosity killed the cat:


(#1) If you see that the proverb is the key to understanding the cartoon, you’ll be able to appreciate the pun on curiosity — with one sense given explicitly in the cartoon (in curiosity shop), the other available only implicitly, through the proverb and the reference to killing in the cartoon

The two senses, from NOAD:

noun curiosity: 1 a strong desire to know or learn something: filled with curiosity, she peered through the window | curiosity got the better of me, so I called him. 2 a strange or unusual object or fact: he showed them some of the curiosities of the house.

Sense 2 gives us curiosity shop, a store (like the one in the cartoon) that offers curiosities for sale; and cabinet of curiosities, a collection of curiosities for display. And from sense 2 we get the noun curio for the sorts of thing (visible in the cartoon) on sale at a curiosity shop:

noun curio: a rare, unusual, or intriguing object: they had such fun over the wonderful box of curios that Jack had sent from India. ORIGIN mid 19th century: abbreviation of curiosity. (NOAD)

The proverb. A proverb is a fixed form of words, usually framed as an observation of general truth (as its literal meaning), but deployed in discourse to convey some piece of advice. About the cat-killing proverb, from Wikipedia:

“Curiosity killed the cat” is a proverb used to warn of the dangers of unnecessary investigation or experimentation. It also implies that being curious can sometimes lead to danger or misfortune. The original form of the proverb, now little used, was “Care killed the cat”. In this instance, “care” was defined as “worry” or “sorrow for others.”

The earliest printed reference to the original proverb appears in the 1598 play, Every Man in His Humour, written by the English playwright Ben Jonson

… The origin of the modern variation is unknown. [Wikipedia has curiosity cites from 1868, 1873, and later]

Collections of curiosities. From my 8/9/16 posting “The old curiosity shelf”:

I’ve … unearthed, or brought out of dark corners, assorted bits of artwork, silly stuff, personal treasures of Jacques’s and mine, and the like — and I now have some shelves and surfaces in visible spots where they can be displayed. My cabinets of curiosities, my old curiosity shelves, my shelves of wonder:


(#2) Two shelves (from a set of five) in the main room of my Ramona St. house (photo by Kim Darnell)

Cabinets of curiosities (also known as Kunstkabinett, Kunstkammer, Wunderkammer, Cabinets of Wonder, and wonder-rooms) were encyclopedic collections of objects whose categorical boundaries were, in Renaissance Europe, yet to be defined. Modern terminology would categorize the objects included as belonging to natural history (sometimes faked), geology, ethnography, archaeology, religious or historical relics, works of art (including cabinet paintings), and antiquities. “The Kunstkammer was regarded as a microcosm or theater of the world, and a memory theater. The Kunstkammer conveyed symbolically the patron’s control of the world through its indoor, microscopic reproduction.” [Francesco Fiorani in Renaissance Quarterly] (Wikipedia link)

New items are added regularly, both in the public areas of my little condo and in the X-rated bedroom (where phallic images and curios rule).

Bro insults

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The Zits strips for 10/10 and 10/11, on bro insults: what bros do instead of complimenting one another. Because actually complimenting another guy would be kinda faggy, totally not according to the Boy Code. And girls just don’t understand this basic fact.


(#1) Not any old insults, but ritual insults, like baboon-butt, which won’t be taken seriously; there’s no injury here


(#2) And monkey-heinie and flame brain, all of them serving not as insults but as signs of male bonding — male friendship and mutual regard

Earlier on this blog, in my 10/6/21 posting “Masculinity comics 2”:

[in a One Big Happy strip:] Ruthie heaps formulaic insults on her brother Joe (including the kid insults stupid head, monkey face, and nachos for brains — poopy head, a stand-in for the stronger shit for brains, would be the classic kid insult)

Kids slinging insults. I don’t know the literature on this — and I’m in no position to do a search for it — but anecdotally it seems clear that young children in our culture learn fairly early to sling sincere insults and also to lie; I don’t know when they put the two together to hurl false accusations. Separately, they pick up certain kinds of physical play aggression, especially chase games; and, at least among boys, wrestling with one another. All this eventually knits together to allow verbal play aggression, which can be a very tricky business, easily sliding from playfulness (itself serving several possible functions) into an attack masquerading as playfulness and on to frank genuine aggression, aimed at domination, humiliation, the infliction of pain, and the like.

Kids can practice verbal play aggression, without veering into genuine hurt, if they have available some verbal formulas that are fully conventionalized as playful only: this is the beauty of expressions like poopy-head.

… Formulaic ritual insults like poopy-head can be used without risk for the full range of functions of ritual insults: but also in

— expressing affection, closeness (we’re such good friends that I can call you poopy-head and you can call me stinky-feet);

— projecting a critique of power (from the less powerful against the more powerful: younger against older, girl against boy, protected against protector, weaker against stronger; in these situations, the more powerful will often choose not to respond in kind but to deflect the critique, for example, by a display of indifference …);

— or, in accordance with the Boy Code, providing a toughening-up ordeal, in which a boy learns (in a controlled situation) to “take it like a man” and “give as good as he gets”, in preparation for a lifetime of genuinely aggressive competition with other males

Toughening-up will move boys in a male band from the formulaic to powerful (but situationally tricky) insults like bastard, fuckface, dumbass, little-dick, and even faggot — insults that are are intended to provoke the target to respond in kind (or to exhibit heroic contemptuous endurance — nothing can rattle me, you fucks), just as physical aggression is intended to provoke what amount to controlled fights, in which the winner demonstrates his power and the loser his valor, and the two become the best of friends thereafter.

Or, more positively, in one-on-one interactions (rather than male-band interactions), the ritual insult can serve as a deflected avowal of friendship, expression of admiration, or compliment. Actual avowals of friendship, expressions of admiration, and compliments go unspoken; their recipients are expected to be able to infer all this from the rough camaraderie.

I know (see Sara in #2 above): Guys!

 

Where to door knock and cold call

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… and, eventually, how to abracadabra things out of sight. Yes, it’s Verbing Day on AZ Blog!

Politics and real estate: to door knock. It started on the Rachel Maddow Show on MSNBC on 10/11, with the cite presented here in its larger context:


(#1) to door knock / door-knock ‘knock on doors’ (in political canvassing): a N + V verb, whose origin lies in a back-formation from the synthetic compound door knocking / door-knocking

The semantics / pragmatics of the synthetic compound is specialized — not merely knocking on doors, but doing so in specific sociocultural settings (political canvassing and door-to-door solicitations by real estate agents, in particular) — and this specialization is shared by the 2pbfV (two-part back-formed V)

That’s in the political context. Two cites in the real estate context:

How to Successfully Door Knock for Real Estate In 2021 (link) [with no object, as in the Maddow cite]

If you don’t have a lot of time, it’s better to door knock on homes that you know are open to you. (link) [with oblique object, marked by the P on]

Now for something rather different: to cold call. One more real-estate cite, with parallel two-part verbs to door knock (as above) and to cold call (not as above; instead, it originates as a direct conversion from the nominal cold call, with a figurative sense of the Adj cold):

How do You Pick Neighborhoods to Door Knock and Cold Call? (link) [without object, but both two-part verbs are understood as having (in) neighborhoods as a locative adjunct]


(#2) The cite on the hoof: a screen shot from real estate agent Brian Casella’s YouTube video on soliciting clients

From NOAD:

noun cold call: an unsolicited visit or phone call made by someone trying to sell goods or services: the salesmen spend most of their time making cold calls on perfect strangers.

verb cold-call: [with object] make an unsolicited call on (someone), by phone or in person, in an attempt to sell goods or services: (as noun cold-calling): severe new regulations against cold-calling. [AZ: a direct conversion of the noun]

adj. cold: … 4 without preparation or rehearsal; unawares: going into the test cold.

So: the two-part X + V verbs door knock (N + V) and cold call (Adj + V) are both verbings, but with two different origins. I doubt that ordinary speakers of English appreciate this difference in the two expressions’ histories (nor should they be expected to), though speakers not familiar with the usage in a sales context might find the expressions remarkable because of their novelty.

(I suspect that both expressions are primarily North American, but I have no actual evidence in the matter.)

Also on the adjective cold ‘without preparation or rehearsal’: my 11/30/09 posting “On the noun watch” has a section on cold open / cold opening / to open cold ‘(in a television program or movie) the technique of jumping directly into a story at the beginning or opening of the show, before the title sequence or opening credits are shown’.

And then we abracadabra things out of mind. Continuing on the verbing train, we come to Susan Fischer on Facebook on 10/16:

— SF: A new-to-me verb from today’s NYT:

For people in power, the reification sleight of hand conveniently abracadabras questions like “who caused this thing?” and “who benefits?” out of sight

This is a direct conversion of the exclamation abracadabra to a verb, in fact a transitive verb with a predicative complement as well as a direct object: abracadabra NP out of sight / to invisibility / invisible]

The cite in its larger context, from the NYT Opinion column, “Mental Health Is Political” by Danielle Carr (assistant professor in the Institute for Society and Genetics at UCLA), on-line on 9/20/22 (in print on 10/16/22):

(#3)

Now, some FB responses to Susan Fischer’s posting.

— Will Leben: Is verbing getting out of hand? My jaw dropped at this recent Twitter post. [with:]

F*ck the violence. Let’s get straight to the voting. We have 25 days to save democracy people. Have you early voted?

— SF > WL: it’s analogous to “he gay-married.”

— AZ > WL [and SF]: These are 2-part back-formed verbs (2pbfVs); see the set of my postings here: – the excellent verbing of “abracadabra” is a direct conversion of a lexical item to a verb. So: both of them verbings, but with two different sorts of origin. [as with door knock vs. cold call above]

The larger context. From the handout for “Brevity plus”, my talk at Stanford SemFest 11, March 12, 2010:

— 1. the innovation and spread of lexical items very often is favored by considerations of brevity: items are invented by some people and adopted by others because they are more compact than earlier expressions

— 2. digression: other reasons for the innovation and spread of these items, not having to do with formal considerations:

— 2.1. they often have the virtue of novelty, suggesting fashion, ostentatious cleverness, or playfulness;

— 2.2. they usually have the virtue of contextual or social specificity, via ties to specific contexts, like sports, journalism, business, radio/television, the tech world, gaming, etc., or to specific social groups, like young people, Australians, women, etc.

— 3. these innovations also frequently (perhaps almost always) have the virtue of semantic/pragmatic specificity; they allow for shadings of meaning that are fuzzed over in the older expressions (which, typically, have radiated and generalized in their meanings over the years)

— 4. here I look mostly at category conversions (that is, conversions from one category to another) in English, in particular zero conversions and subtractive conversions (back-formations) – as opposed to ordinary derivational morphology, with affixes, which you can think of as additive conversion – when such conversions are, or are perceived to be, innovations, and I’ll focus on four types:

— 4.1. plain nounings (a disconnect vs. a disconnection)

— 4.2. plain verbings (to extinct vs. to make extinct, to drive to extinction);

— 4.3. simple back-formations of verbs (to incent vs. to provide an incentive to);

— 4.4. two-part back-formations of verbs (to cheerlead vs. to serve as a cheerleader)

(There’s a huge literature on all parts of this program, of course, but here let me recommend especially

Eve V. Clark & Herbert H. Clark, “When nouns surface as verbs”,  Lg 55.4.767-811 (1979)

on denominal verbs, with a large corpus of examples from real life.)

Messages in the ABCs

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The One Big Happy in my comics feed today (released to newspapers on 9/4) shows Ruthie finding messages in the ABCs — the letters of the alphabet in their conventional order in modern English (A B C D E F G …):


friendly greeting H I  … descending to prohibitive N O

But wait! Go on a bit further and we get to T U, spelling a pronoun of friendly address in French (and sort of, in Spanish, too). Oh, you changeable ABCs, with your many moods!

So, in French:

2sg informal tu /ty/ vs. formal vous /vu/ (vous is also the 2pl pronoun)

And in Spanish:

2sg informal vs. formal usted (2pl: informal vosotros, formal ustedes)

On the deployment of the “informal” T vs. the “formal” V 2sg pronouns in these (and other) languages, there’s a gigantic literature, springing from

Roger Brown & Albert Gilman, “The pronouns of power and solidarity”, in Style in Language, ed. by Thomas A. Sebeok (1960)

Snow tires

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A classic Don Martin Mad magazine cartoon for the winter season, illustrating the utility and flexibility of N + N compounds in English — and also their enormous potential for ambiguity, which has to be resolved in context:

(#1)

Four examples of N1 + N2 compounds in English, all four highly conventionalized  to very culture-specific referents. In these conventionalized uses, two (snow tire, snowshoe) are use compounds (‘N2 for use in some activity involving N1’), two (snowman, snowball) are source compounds (‘N2 made from N1’). But N + N combinations are potentially ambiguous in  multiple ways; this lack of clarity is the price you pay for the great brevity of these combinations (which lack any indications of the semantic relationship between the two elements).

So: we get snow tire and snowshoe understood as source compounds in #1: ‘(simulacrum of a) tire made of snow’, ‘(simulacrum of a) shoe made of snow’.

I’ll turn to the four snow + N2 compounds in #1 in just a moment, but this presentation is now interrupted by breaking news from the snow-cartoon world, a wonderful wordless cartoon by snowman maven Bob Eckstein in the 1/30/23 issue of the New Yorker, which has in fact not yet arrived in my mailbox.

The heedless snowman. Bob is not only  an actual authority on the history and cultural roles of the snowman, but is also a devoted creator of snowman cartoons. This is his latest, and it’s firmly grounded in current American culture:


(#2) The magazine’s description: A snowman texting while crossing the street and about to be scooped up by a plow

Now back to our previously scheduled program.

The four conventionalized compounds in #1.

— ‘N2 for use in snow’ (use compounds).

:: compound noun snow tire: a tire with a tread which gives extra traction on snow or ice. (NOAD)

From the Tire Rack site:


(#3) A trio of snow tires

:: compound noun snowshoe: a flat device resembling a racket, which is attached to the sole of a boot and used for walking on snow. (NOAD)

From the Northern Toboggan Co. site:


(#4) Traditional Alaskan wooden snowshoes

— vs. ‘(simulacrum of) N2 made of snow’ (source compounds)

:: compound noun snowman: a representation of a human figure created with compressed snow. (NOAD)

The canonical modern snowman (versions of which appear in #1 and #2) is much more specific than this: three balls of snow (lower body, torso, head), sticks for arms, carrot for nose, and a smiley face made of stones (or, traditionally, lumps of coal).

:: compound noun snowball: 1 [a] a ball of packed snow, especially one made for throwing at other people for fun: they pelted him with snowballs. … (NOAD)

Fresh source compounds snow tire and snowshoe (as in #1) can be created as needed, of course. And so can fresh use compounds snowman ‘man for making snow’ and snowball ‘ball that detects snow’ (to choose just two possible use senses from among many).

On use and source compounds. Many, many examples of contrasts between the two. Some discussion from my 6/18/19 posting “The clown facial”:

contrast

spaghetti sauce (a Use compound), which can be (made) from clams or tomatoes

vs. clam / tomato sauce (Source compounds), which can be used for/on spaghetti

Then, from this blog, two postings (from a fair number on interpreting compounds):

— from my 10/20/17 posting “A processed food flavor”:

Source compounds vs. Use compounds. Some would object to the compound pumpkin spice because it’s not a Source compound: pumpkin spice isn’t made from or with pumpkin(s); there’s no pumpkin in it at all. In fact, it’s a Use compound (very crudely, it’s (a) spice for pumpkins), and both Source and Use compounds are widely attested, with many entertaining contrasts; from earlier postings on this blog:

Source mink oil vs. Use saddle oil; Source cucumber soap vs. Use saddle soap; Source lobster salad vs. Use fish sauce and lobster sauce

(All of these compounds are in fact potentially ambiguous between Source and Use, though only one interpretation has been conventionalized, usually for good reason.

Nevertheless, mink oil could be (an) oil to use on minks (to make them slipperier) as well as (an) oil made from minks, and saddle oil could be (an) oil made from saddles as well as (an) oil to use on saddles (to preserve them and make them more pliable); lobster salad could be (a) salad to use for lobsters (by feeding it to them) as well as (a) salad made from lobster(s), and lobster sauce could be (a) sauce made from lobster(s) as well as (a) sauce to use on (cooked) lobsters.)

— from my 2/4/19 posting “Cowboy casserole”, on:

the N + N compound cowboy casserole. Clearly not an Ingredient compound (‘casserole made from cowboys’ [ugh]), but instead a Use compound, roughly ‘casserole for cowboys (to use)’, or — most likely — an Object compound, roughly ‘casserole of the sort that cowboys (like to) eat’.

 

Don’t call me a “creative”

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Today’s (2/5/23) Doonesbury strip  shows us artist J.J. Caucus and her husband Zeke Brenner in her studio, with J.J. fuming about being labeled a creative:


(#1) “I’m a noun, not an adjective!” But then Zeke shifts the ground from be a creative to be creative, noting (in effect) that be creative denotes a characteristic, not an identity, so “less pressure”

J.J.’s complaint is about the nouning of the adj. creative, yielding a C[ount] noun creative that apparently just means ‘creative person’, but she’s more than a creative person, she’s a professional creator, an artist. As it turns out, the C noun creative is a great deal more specific that ‘creative person’ — and in its established usage it refers to a type of professional in the advertising industry, so in fact doesn’t apply to J.J. at all. Gripe on, J.J.!

(J.J. doesn’t complain that the C noun creative is merely trendy, a recent fashion in usage, though others have. There’s some point in this, but the ascendance of the C noun creative to everyday use in certain contexts is indeed something that has happened in my lifetime, but not especially recently; the textual evidence indicates that it was well-established 30 years ago.)

An instance of the C noun in its natural habitat. From the US Campaign site, “The Lists 2020: Top 15 creatives” by staff on 12/8/20:


(#2) [caption:] The best of the industry in 2020; top creatives: Kolbusz, Brim, A Balarin, H Balarin, Tait, Davidson, Leonard, Maguire, Grieve, Doubal, Thomson, Bailes, Brooke-Taylor, McClure, Sobhani, Simon, Vega, Tudor and Elliott

Lexical background. From OED3 (Nov. 2010) on the noun creative, where we discover that there are two nouns creative: a M[ass] noun creative ‘creative work’; and the C noun creative ‘creative person’. Here I reproduce the entire OED3 entry, in which I’ve boldfaced the first cites in which these usages are treated as unremarkable and established (and both firmly located within the advertising industry) — 1987 for the M noun, 1989 for the C noun.

Origin: Formed within English, by conversion [specifically, conversion of Adj to N, aka nouning]. Etymon: creative adj.

— 1. [the M noun] The creative faculty; creative work; (Advertising) creative material produced for an advertising campaign, such as the copy, design, or artwork.

1903 Westm. Gaz. 3 June 5/2 It may be observed that the development of the critical creative is somewhat inimical to the purely creative, as appears from the case of the author of ‘Emilia Galotti’ and ‘Nathan der Weise’.

1987 Bottomline Nov. 35/1 Good creative for bank advertising is similar to any other creative.

1989 New Yorker 15 May 41 (caption) Bruce, you look fabulous! Who’s doing your creative?

1993 Chicago Tribune 29 Jan.  iii. 4/2 Icon Marketing, a Chicago-based firm, was identified as providing the creative behind the spots, with Turner doing the production.

2001 Revolution 1 Aug. 5/4 Youth web site TheSite.org is using ‘in-your-face’ ads to drive users to the service… The creative was designed by agency Digital Outlook.

— 2. [the C noun] A creative person, a person whose job involves creative work; (Advertising) a person who carries out creative work on an advertising campaign, esp. a copywriter, art director, or designer.

1938 T. Dreiser in W. S. Maugham Of Human Bondage (new ed.) I. p. v Life..is our best novelist and our best biographer… Only it does not write them [sc.novels and biographies] — except and perforce … through one of its creations or creatives.

1965 Listener 20 May 747/1 May not teachers be thought of as creatives manqué rather than failed doers?

1970 New Yorker 12 Sept. 29/2 (advt.) The media used will be those that ‘creatives’ consider their own.

1989 Campaign 21 Apr. 5/3 Planners write the brief on screen, creatives read it, then visualise and copywrite on one of the various enhanced computer graphics systems.

2000 M. Johnson Drop iii. 160 Could you send a portfolio over, a client list and such?.. And could you tell me the name of the head creative? Thank you.

Beheading. The particular type of nouning at work in the etymologies of both M creative and C creative is what I called at first “nouning by truncation” — nouning by truncating a head element (like material for the M noun, person for the C noun). Compare, say, the nouning attending ‘attending physician’. Discussion in my 1/6/10 posting “Conversion by truncation”, in particular nouning by truncation. Later I coined the label beheading for this type of conversion.

There’s a Page on this blog with an annotated inventory of my postings on

the word-formation scheme: Mod + Head > Mod ‘Mod + Head’, especially Adj + N > Adj ‘Adj + N’ (nouning by truncation), N1 + N2 > N1 ‘N1 + N2’

Why beheading? Well, beheadings have the virtue of brevity, and that’s useful, but it’s clear that the beheadings M creative and C creative aren’t just shorter ways of saying the same old things, but are in fact highly specialized, in special senses in the advertising industry. As it turns out, this sort of specialization isn’t some fluke of the history of the nouns creative, but illustrates a larger phenomenon, which I took up in my 2010 Stanford SemFest 11 talk. The abstract, in my 2/15/10 posting “Brevity plus”:

The innovation and spread of lexical items very often is favored by considerations of brevity: items are invented by some people and adopted by others because they are more compact than earlier expressions. (And for some reasons not having to do with formal considerations: they have the virtue of novelty, suggesting fashion, ostentatious cleverness, or playfulness; and they usually have the virtue of contextual or social specificity, via ties to specific contexts, like sports, journalism, business, radio/television, the tech world, gaming, etc., or to specific social groups, like young people, Australians, women, etc.)

But these innovations also frequently (perhaps almost always) have the virtue of semantic/pragmatic specificity. The innovations usually allow for shadings of meaning that are fuzzed over in the older expressions (which, typically, have radiated and generalized in their meanings over the years). This point is scarcely a new one, but it tends to be buried by usage writers and language peevers who are hostile to innovations and treat them as “unnecessary”.

The handout for the talk can be viewed here.

 


Send in the border collies

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It starts with an elegant Seth Fleishman cartoon in the latest New Yorker (2/13&20/23), and ends up in the world of very competent dogs; in between lie my home intellectual worlds of linguistics and g&s (gender & sexuality studies). Or you could just think of it as being about border collies and Robin Queen.

First comes the cartoon:


(#1) From left to right: on the escalator, the shepherd and three of his flock; on the ground, an understandably reluctant sheep and a border collie performing its job as herder

When advance copies of the cartoon appeared on Facebook, I immediately wrote my linguistics colleague Robin Queen (at Michigan) to say that it was as if Fleishman had created this cartoon especially for her; in addition to everything else she does (see below), Robin and her partner-in-life Susan Garrett run a small farm with a flock of sheep and with border collies that they have trained to herd them (collies that Robin enters with in stockdog competitions).

Fleishman (who signs his cartoons sdf). From my 8/9/17 posting “Further adventures in cartoon understanding”:

Most of sdf’s cartoons are wordless, and most are black & white; they all have clean, crisp lines. They also all convey a strong sense of the absurd, often by combining images from different conceptual domains.

— different domains like herding sheep and riding on escalators. (There’s a Page on this blog about my postings on Fleishman cartoons.)

Border collies. First pass. From my 4/28/17 posting “Friday word play in the comics”, this Bizarro Doctors Without Border Collies cartoon:


(#2) A notable POP (phrasal overlap portmanteau): Doctors Without Borders + border collies

— plus information about border collies (with pictures).

Who is Robin? what is she, / That all our colleagues commend her? From Robin Queen’s faculty page at the University of Michigan:

Robin Queen is Arthur F. Thurnau Professor and Professor of Linguistics, English Language and Literatures and Germanic Languages and Literatures. Her teaching and research center on sociolinguistic questions related to language contact, language variation and social cognition, sociolinguistic perception, and language change. She has published and taught about the ties between language and social identities, particularly queer identities. She has also worked extensively on language in the mass media. Her book, Vox Popular: The Surprising Life of Language in the Mass Media (Wiley, 2015) explores how language variation functions within the fictional mass media.

Professor Queen regularly teaches Language and Discrimination; Language in the Mass Media; Sociolinguistics; and Language, Gender and Sexuality.

Education: B.S. in Linguistics, Georgetown Univ., 1990; Ph.D. in Linguistics, Univ.of Texas, Austin, 1996 (Intonation in contact: A study of Turkish–German bilingual intonation patterns)

She has served the Linguistics Department in a variety of capacities, including as … Department Chair. She was the co-chair of the Committee on the Status of Women in Linguistics for the Linguistic Society of America and was the co-director (w/Andries Coetzee) of the 2013 [summer Linguistic Institute of the LSA].  She has been an elected member of the LSA’s Executive Committee. She served as the co-editor (w/Anne Curzan) of the Journal of English Linguistics from 2006-2012 and is on the editorial boards of multiple academic journals.

[Digression. I love writing up little notes on linguists and their lives, because everybody does a collection of truly varied things (no doubt the Turkish-German bilinguals were a surprise to you, and maybe the mass media stuff too), and then they almost all have astonishing non-academic interests and activities . NN, the Nelson Mandela Professor of African Languages and Linguistics, runs a food kitchen for the homeless in Camden NJ, is the author of a seres of comic detective novels set in a gay bathhouse, on weekends during the concert season plays the French horn in the Philadelphia Orchestra, and is a recognized authority on Turkish village cuisine; they are married to the Episcopal Bishop of Trenton. That sort of thing.]

But let’s get down to the dogs. And to some informed speculation by Robin Queen on the communication between a border collie and its handler. (Another side theme: you can combine linguistics with an interest in just about anything.) From Wired magazine, “What a Border Collie Taught a Linguist About Language: The whistles that a shepherd uses to command her dog sound a whole lot like human language” by Adam Rogers on 8/18/17 (reproduced here at some length):


Tansy was not into sports. The little border collie, a rescue, didn’t care for agility trials or flyball. But her adopted family — with two other border collies already in the house — played them all the time.

(#3)

Border collies, the elite athletes of the canine universe, are working dogs. They go a little nuts without something to do. After a little consternation, Tansy’s new owner Robin Queen, a linguist at the University of Michigan, got some advice: sheep. And why not? Border collies are, after all, sheepdogs. As soon as Tansy caught sight of some livestock, “it was the first time she showed evidence of understanding something about the world,” Queen says.

That’s how Tansy got into competitive sheepdog trials, a sport in which a handler and dog manage a half-dozen sheep through various tasks. Despite their name, sheep are not sheepish and often act on their own closely held ideas about where to go. Keeping a flock on track can require dogged persistence. It’s difficult and takes a lot of practice. “We were a little bit unusual in that we had very little dog experience and certainly no livestock experience,” Queen says. “People like us don’t tend to stick it out for very long because it’s hard, and you don’t get a lot of fuzzies very fast. It’s hard to control a dog around sheep.”

To exercise that control, sheepdog handlers typically use a specialized whistle. Yes, literally a dog whistle. Dogs might get up to half a mile away, so you need something loud but with finesse. With a whistle, handlers deploy a small lexicon of commands. Two medium blasts, for example, means “walk toward the sheep.” A single low note means “go clockwise around the herd.”

Queen later competed with her dog Hamish and another pup, Ky. That was a decade ago. Then Tansy went to the big meadow in the sky and Queen got Zac, with a plan to elevate their game together. About then, Queen started to notice something. In talking to other handlers and listening not just to the lexicon of commands they used but how, and how the dogs responded, she realized: These aren’t just orders. In fact, those whistles sounded a whole lot like a language.

Smart Dogs: Ten years after Queen started competitive sheepdog trials, she at last felt ready to turn what had initially been an escape from academia into a scholarly pursuit. Her hobby had become a research project. She presented these ideas at a linguistics conference in July, where … linguist … Gretchen McCulloch livetweeted them. (A caveat — this work isn’t peer reviewed or formally published yet, so take it, for now, as tantalizing rather than definitive.)

People have been trying to parse how dogs and people communicate with each other for a long time. Obviously they do — but hypothetically the form and content go way beyond sit and stay — and say something broader about language and animal cognition.

Border collies in particular have been central to this research. In the early 2000s a team of researchers at the Max-Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Germany heard about a border collie named Rico whose owners said he knew the names of 200 different objects, mostly toys. So the researchers, led by an evolutionary psychologist named Juliane Kaminski, went to see Rico and tested him.

(#4)

Not only could Rico, under experimental conditions, retrieve specified objects with no clues other than hearing their name, but he could also infer the name of a third, unfamiliar object when presented with it alongside two of his toys. And he still remembered the name of the new object when they tested Rico a month later. “Apparently Rico’s extensive experience with acquiring the names of objects allowed him to establish the rule that things can have names,” Kaminski’s team wrote. “Consequently, he was able to deduce the referent of a new word on the basis of the principle of exclusion.” The dog was, it seemed, performing what developmental psychologists call “fast-mapping,” or figuring out the names of new things with the speed and acumen of a 3-year-old human. (Rico: Smarter than your toddler. Would meaningfully communicate with again. 13/10.)

…  Language-Like: About the same time as animal cognition researchers and evolutionary anthropologists were getting spun up about Rico, linguists weren’t as encouraging to Queen. She had tenure at Michigan, but colleagues still tried to wave off the idea that dog handlers had language-like communications with dogs. Queen was still thinking of it as an avocation only.

But independently she had noticed the cooperation connection, and she couldn’t get it out of her head. As she writes in her presentation notes, dogs make it easier for people to handle livestock and people make the dogs’ jobs easier with a flexible communication system. We help each other. “This is most especially apparent in the whistles shepherds use to help their dogs do their job,” Queen writes.

The lexicon — the “words” available for use — is small (maybe a dozen commands). But, Queen says, the whistles have what are called sign relations. They can be symbolic, where the sound doesn’t have any connection to its meaning. But they can also be iconic (where you can sort of tell what they mean from their form). And even more language-like, they can also be indexical, where the meaning changes depending on how you use them. But here’s the really cool part: Shepherds vary the whistles’ rhythms, pitches, speed, and volume, and “each of those variations provides different kinds of information about what the dog should do,” Queen says. That’s called “prosody,” and it’s a key part of human language.

Just as you might speak more loudly and clearly if you think someone doesn’t understand you, a shepherd will more clearly and slowly blow a command if the dog seems to hesitate. Higher pitches attract attention. A faster whistle tells the dog to speed up, even if they haven’t been trained to do it. (That’s “iconic meaning.”)

When commands have to come faster or more urgently, handlers simplify and remove the parts of the shared language that they don’t need. Queen says this is an example of “metapragmatics,” or speakers understanding how to use their speech. This communication system has none of the “who’s-a-good-dog-yes-you-are” cooing that you might hear between a dog owner and its pet. “Shepherds don’t think of their dogs as little furry people. They understand them as dogs,” Queen says. “It’s this really interesting question of, how do you communicate with a species that doesn’t share your communication system, that doesn’t share your kind of mind?” The answer, roughly, is that anything that might convey whether the handler thinks the dog is doing well or poorly gets cut. “Those parts of language that the dog can’t understand — because it’s not a human — come out.”

Handlers even start to acquire a certain style and élan as they get more experienced. Human and dog learn each other’s idiosyncrasies and styles. As Queen talked to more handlers about how they thought about what they were doing, she got better at it herself — and came to appreciate other people’s skills all the more. “As people learn to do this, they become much more aware of the nuance,” Queen says. “They become much more able to understand, in a sense, the conversation going on between an accomplished shepherd and a dog.”

Just like when you learn a new language.

What the Dog Knew: Nobody knows if the dogs understand what the whistles mean in a metacognitive sense. Lots of animals execute complex behaviors rigidly, instinctually. When birds flock, they’re following other birds’ pointing and directionality, but not (perhaps) with intention. The collective behavior is an emergent property. A dog bred to point at prey orients toward it almost reflexively but doesn’t use the same behavior to merely indicate objects of interest, like a favorite toy back home. “There are all these things that animals do that are rigid, computer-like. What’s special about cognition is that it’s flexible,” MacLean says. “There are lots of examples of animals that have seemingly complex behaviors, and you do one teeny thing to change the situation and the whole thing falls apart.”

Queen says that handlers often impute emotional or cognitive significance to their dogs’ actions when they’re working the herd — they’re being good, or they know they’re misbehaving, or they want to help. “Presumptions about what the dog is thinking,” says Alexandra Horowitz, a researcher at Barnard who studies dog cognition and olfaction, “sound exactly like the kind of attributions made by companion dog owners and haven’t been subjected to real, empirical scrutiny.”

On the other hand, we humans read each other’s behaviors and impute emotional and cognitive content to it all the time. A shared communication system helps us confirm, sometimes, our intuitions about the meaning of those behaviors. But it doesn’t always work.

One thing nobody disputes: Even the smartest border collie doesn’t talk back. “Dogs are flexible at interpreting these signals from humans, but they don’t seem to be as flexible for producing them,” MacLean says. “A skilled herder can read the dog’s signals, and maybe that’s the dog communicating back, but there’s a lot we don’t know about that system. From the dog’s perspective, is this intentional communication? Is the dog trying to convey information flexibly to the person, or is the person just really good at reading the dog’s behavior?”

Sometimes during a sheepdog trial, in the midst of competition, a dog hears a command and comes up short — stopping suddenly, ears pricking up, maybe even looking back at the shepherd. Usually the handler interprets that as surprise, as the dog suggesting that maybe the handler messed up: “Is that really what you meant?” The truth is, Queen says, “We don’t really know much at all about dogs’ cognitive architecture other than what we can deduce from their behavior.”

That’s why the cooperative aspect of all this is so important — maybe even the key to how language and cognition evolve. Dog domestication probably goes back at least 15,000 years, but the breeds most familiar today are only a few hundred years old at most, and not all of them have shown the, ahem, cognitive ability of a border collie. (Yorkshire terriers, for example, failed most of the same skill acquisition tests.) But flip that around: Human breeders were able to activate a phenotype for language, or linguistic understanding, in just a couple centuries.

Sure, maybe it was an accident. They were breeding for temperament or skills, and linguistic ability essentially came along for the genetic ride. But still! “Like, holy shit, this core component of what makes humans special, we can bring it about in the blink of an eye, evolutionarily,” MacLean says.

If you can imagine a cognitive, linguistic bond with one non-human species, you can imagine it, perhaps, with others — octopuses, let’s say, or crows and ravens, all famously intelligent in weird, non-human ways. So it should be easy to further imagine communicating at a high signal rate with some other human, even one who doesn’t think about things the way you do.

It’s worth it. It’s worth figuring out how we all talk to each other. Queen and her partner [Susan Garrett] now manage a small farm with livestock. She’s hoping her newest dog, Scout, will be ready for sheepdog competition in about a year, and only slightly regretful that she still relies on a mechanical whistle instead of using her fingers, like some of the old pros do. “Honestly, it’s like magic. When it works well, it’s like nothing I’ve ever experienced,” she says. “When you and the dog are working as a team, it’s just glorious.”

Actual communication, cooperating in service of a greater objective. “A lot of shepherds refer to it as ‘grace,’” Queen says. “Like, it is the epitome of grace.”


 

They do not act that way

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From my comics backlog, a One Big Happy strip that turns on the distinction (in the philosophy of language) between descriptive statements (about what is)  and normative statements (about what should be) and shows Ruthie and Joe’s mother exploiting normative statements for her own parental ends — using one to convey injunction or prohibition: saying that this should be the case implicating that you should — or must — act to make it so.


Oh yes, there’s also the third-person reference to her addressees, framing an injunction on them specifically as a kind of normative universal — a manipulation of address terms that the kids simply fail to comprehend (in the last two panels of the strip)

Joe and Ruthie are in fact tearing through the grocery story like wild animals. Ellen Lombard, their mother, asserts that her children do not act like that, meaning this statement normatively. Conveying, in fact, that not only should her children not act like that, but that they must stop acting like that.

A fugitive verb

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Very imperfectly caught, out of the corner of my ear, Amy Klobuchar (the senior US senator from Minnesota) being interviewed on MSNBC’s Morning Joe this morning:

was outbested by

Not yet able to recover the context (eventually the tape will be available for viewing), but it’s crucial for determining what AK was trying to convey by choosing the unusual verb outbest (rather than plain best or outdo).

I then went to look at standard dictionaries to see what they had to say about the verb. NOAD2 and AHD5 (big one-volume dictionaries), nothing. The OED, nothing.

At that point, I expected that outbest would have been be excoriated by critics  as pleonastic, or as an illegitimate blend of outdo and best. But MWDEU (which catalogs such criticisms), nothing; and Garner’s Modern American Usage (which traffics in such criticisms), nothng. All I found by way of negative criticism is that outbest is not a valid Scrabble word. And a word that my built-in spellchecker will accept.

On the other hand, user-created dictionaries have an entry for outbest, though these entries aren’t very carefully framed:

Wiktionary: (transitive) to be better at something [supply: than someone]

Urban Dictionary: to do better than someone [supply: at something]

It appears that people who use the (presumably relatively recent) novel verb outbest are trying to convey something subtly different from, and probably more specific than, the verbs best and outdo.

The situation would be parallel to that of (novel) morphological conversions — nounings, verbings, and back-formations — as examined in my 2010 Stanford SemFest talk “Brevity plus” (handout here), where I argue that such conversions favor semantic / pragmatic specificity and social specificity as well as brevity. That is, the conversions are associated with nuances of meaning and nuances in their sociocultural contexts of use. You get something extra from them. As I believe you do with outbest, where I perceive some focus on the competitive aspects of outbesting someone in something. (But to explore that idea, I’d need an actual corpus of examples, with rich context supplied; so I have to leave the topic to someone with resources unavailable to me.)

For comparison, from OED3 on the alternative verbs:

OED3 (Dec. 2014) on the verb best: Originally British regional. transitive. To get the better of, to get an advantage over; to outwit. Also: to cheat, defraud [1st cite 1839; 2006 New Yorker If you get great ratings, no matter how much you paid, J. P. will feel you bested him.]

OED3 (Dec. 2004) on the verb outdo: … 2.  a.  transitive. To excel, surpass, beat; to be superior to. Frequently in passive, esp. in not to be outdone. [1st cite from Shakespeare, Coriolanus]  

 

DISNEY ON ICE

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Well, the title pretty much gives the joke away. An outrageous (but phonologically perfect) pun in a Bizarro cartoon from 9/6/12:


(#1) (If you’re puzzled by the odd symbol in the cartoon — Dan Piraro says there’s just 1 in this strip — see this Page.)

What the woman and her two kids get to view is Disney on ice —

(the body of the dead-since-1966 Walt) Disney (resting) on (a block of preservative) ice (in a display case)

What she bought tickets to was an entertainment (especially aimed at children) called Disney on Ice

(an entertainment in which characters from the Walt) Disney (Company’s animated cartoons are portrayed by performers skating) on ice

Disney is understood metonymically in both cases. In the first, it refers not to Walt Disney, but to his (dead) body. In the second, it refers not to Walt Disney, but to a company named after him; and then not actually to the company itself, but to fictional characters  in the company’s products, that is, to characters associated with the company — so that here, Disney is (at least) two metonymical steps removed from the man Walt Disney. (There’s then a fairly clear sense in which the first Disney is understood “more literally” than the second.)

There are other possible readings for DISNEY ON ICE. For example, the little family in #1 might have discovered that they’d bought tickets to the screening of a film showing Walt Disney ice skating, or walking gingerly across a frozen lake, or balancing himself on blocks of ice.

Or just a picture of an imprisoned Walt Disney — choosing one of the ‘held in reserve’ senses of adjectival on ice in this lightning inventory from GDoS:

1 (orig. US) on reserve … 2 certain, definite, a foregone conclusion, esp. of a sporting contest … 3 (orig. US) out of the way; in storage … 4 (orig. US) dead … 5 (US Underworld) of stolen goods, waiting to be sold … 6 (US Underworld) in prison, under arrest …  7 (orig US) in hiding, esp. from the police … 8 (orig. US) in secret, on the quiet … 9 (US Underworld) suffering confinement in a punishment cell … 10 in protective custody

But wait, there’s more: DISNEY is a proper name, and any particular proper name is routinely used to refer to an unknown swarm of individuals bearing that name. Even if the little family in #1 had intended to buy a ticket to see Disney’s dead body preserved in ice, they would have been dismayed to discover that the body was not that of the famous Walt Disney, but of his accomplished but less famous brother Roy Disney.

Or, much more startlingly, if it had turned out to be the body of the cat named Disney who famously survived the 1991 wildfire in the Oakland Hills of CA. From the Washington Post, “Home Fur the Holidays”, on 12/25/92 on-line:

OAKLAND, CALIF. — It’s a wonderful (nine) lives this Christmas for a cat named Disney.

After vanishing in the Oakland Hills firestorm 14 months ago, she’s been snatched from a certain fate and sent home for the holidays.

“Every time I look at her, I’m just so glad she’s back,” owner Kristine Davis said yesterday. “She’s so lovable.”

The point here is that the reference of proper names is determined in context, according to the relevance of specific individuals in the discourse.

Background: Walt Disney. From Wikipedia:


(#2) 1946 photo of Walt Disney (photo: Boy Scouts of America)

Walter Elias Disney  December 5, 1901 – December 15, 1966) was an American animator, film producer and entrepreneur. A pioneer of the American animation industry, he introduced several developments in the production of cartoons. As a film producer, he holds the record for most Academy Awards earned and nominations by an individual, having won 22 Oscars from 59 nominations.

Background: Disney on Ice. First, ice shows. From Wikipedia:

An ice show is an entertainment production which is primarily performed by ice skaters. Such shows may primarily be skating exhibitions, or may be musical and/or dramatic in nature, using skating as a medium in order to accompany a musical work or to present a story. The term generally excludes skating competitions in (professional) sports. Many companies produce fixed or touring ice shows, which are then performed for the general public in facilities such as multipurpose arenas or skating rinks which can accommodate spectators, or in theatres with a temporary ice surface installed on the stage. Ice shows are also featured as entertainment in amusement parks and on some large cruise ships.

Notable major ice shows [include] Ice Capades and Ice Follies, … historical ice shows that were held from the 1930s to 1980s; Broadway on Ice, … an ice-based revue of Broadway show tunes; [and of course] Disney on Ice

As a child, I was taken to Ice Capades and Ice Follies shows at the Hersheypark Arena (home of the Hershey Bears ice hockey team — note pun on Hershey Bar) in Hershey PA (where the chocolate comes from). I did not myself ice-skate, or roller-skate even, but I appreciated the shows as a live-action approximation to the Busby Berkeley dance spectacles in the movies of the time, which I adored.

Then, from Wikipedia:


(#3) (l-to-r) Donald, Mickey, Minnie, Goofy

Disney on Ice, originally Walt Disney’s World on Ice, is a series of touring ice shows [around the world] produced by Feld Entertainment’s Ice Follies And Holiday on Ice, Inc. under agreement with The Walt Disney Company. Aimed primarily at children, the shows feature figure skaters portraying the roles of Disney characters in performances derived from various Disney films.

… The show is usually hosted by Mickey Mouse assisted at times by Minnie Mouse, Goofy, and Donald Duck. More recently, the series features segments about the Disney Princesses Frozen, Beauty and the Beast, The Lion King, and Moana (in most shows). A new production is launched almost every year.

I would not willingly attend a Disney on Ice performance; as a child I detested the Mickey Mouse Club; and I have pointedly avoided going to Disneyland in Anaheim, even when I was staying in a hotel more or less across the street from it. By and large, I find the Disney enterprises — after the early animated features and comic books, some of which are masterworks of the genre — repellent. This is a matter of personal taste, of course, and I’m perfectly aware that I’m out of synch with the culture, that Disneyfied cuteness is wildly popular. But then I never claimed to be vox populi.

Who am I kidding?

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(Note: in this posting I’m going to be unrelentingly careful about the way I frame descriptions of linguistic phenomena (not falling back on the descriptive language of school grammar, which would be familiar to readers but which I believe to be fucked up beyond repair). So there will be a lot of technical talk here; please try to play along, but I don’t think there’s any way to do this right without re-thinking everything from the ground up.)

This is about a perfectly common expression — Who am I kidding? — that went past me in a flash on Facebook this morning but caused me (as a student of GUS — grammar, usage, and style / register) to reflect on the pronoun case in it. On the interrogative human pronoun, appearing here in what I’ll call its Form 1, who, rather than its Form 2, whom.

The pronoun in this expression is the direct object of the verb in the expression, KID, appearing in sentence-initial position (appearing “fronted”) in the WH-question construction of English. There’s nothing at all remarkable about this: in general, both forms of this pronoun are available as syntactic objects (of verbs or prepositions) in the language, differing only in their style / register (very roughly, formal whom vs informal who), with the special case of an object pronoun actually in combination with its governing preposition, which is  obligatorily in Form 2:

Who / Whom did you speak to? BUT *To who / ✓to whom did you speak?

So there’s nothing remarkable about Who am I kidding? It’s just informal.

What’s remarkable is the unacceptability of Whom am I kidding? The stylistic discord between the formality of object whom and the informality of the idiom WH-Pro am I kidding? is unresolvable. To put it another way, the choice of the Form 1 pronoun here is part of the idiom. Just like the choice of the PRP form of the verb KID, conveying progressive aspect: Who do I kid? lacks the idiomatic meaning.

Background: the idiom (and a closely related one), from The Free Dictionary by Farlex (edited by AZ for form):

Who am I kidding?: an expression of self-doubt. Oh, who am I kidding, running for mayor — I’ll never win. | Taking art classes at my age — who am I kidding?

Who is (someone) kidding?: Would anyone really believe anything so ridiculous or obviously untrue? A: “I’m going to be super rich and run my own company once I’m on my own!” B: “Who are you kidding, Tom? You’re so lazy that you’re barely even going to graduate high school.” | He shows up at these public events with teary eyes, but who is he kidding?

Note: the present-tense verb form is not part of the idiom; both idioms are fine in the past tense: Who was I kidding? Who was he kidding?

(Yes, the idioms are conventionalized rhetorical questions.)

A parallel. Involving the choice of what I’ve called the shapes of forms rather than the choice of forms. From my 11/21/17 posting “??That is aliens for you”, in a section about Auxiliary Reduction (AuxRed) in English (in, for example, who’s versus unreduced who is):

certain words — “little” grammatical words — are especially accommodating hosts for AuxRed: expletive it, expletive there, demonstrative that, interrogative what, who, where, and how, personal pronouns I, you, it, she, he, we, they, complementizer and relativizer that. With these, unreduced auxiliaries are likely to convey either notable formality or emphasis.

As a result, an informal-style idiom that has one of these accommodating hosts followed by the very easily reducible auxiliary is is very likely to be frozen in its AuxRed version: the formality of the unreduced auxiliary would conflict fatally with the informal style of the idiom as a whole. So we get “obligatory AuxRed” idioms like these two:

How’s the boy? ‘How are you?’ (a greeting from a man to a male familiar)

What’s up? ‘What is the matter?’ or ‘What is happening?

“And …:

That’s NP for you ‘That’s characteristic of NP’, ‘That’s the way NP is/are’

So: That’s aliens for you ‘That’s the way aliens are’, but ??That is aliens for you.

That is, in these cases the choice of the reduced shape is (again) part of the idiom.

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